Saturday, September 10, 2011

Passing the DREAM Act

           For the immigration reform bill titled “DREAM Act” (Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors) to be successful in becoming a law, Hispanics living in the US should let their voices be heard about the matter.  For too long the Hispanic community has been content in leaving the fight to the few committed community leaders and politicians.  However, more should be done especially from the people who benefited most, which are the children of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986.  After 25 years since President Reagan signed the bill into law, the beneficiaries have become adults that went on to get a higher education, serve within our nation’s military, and become productive members of the American society.  Yet, another generation of the brightest minds amongst the undocumented population are being denied an opportunity that can dictate their future.  Since they cannot express their concerns publicly due to the fear of deportation, it is our responsibility to speak for the voiceless and let the politicians become aware of our concerns within our communities. 


 Within the Hispanic community, nationalities from throughout Latin America live side by side and share a mother tongue, history, and cultural values which make the fabric of America pure.  However, outside from the good Hispanic food and music, we cannot pretend to ignore the fraternal struggles of immigration amongst the undocumented population.  We as a whole cannot let nationalism (i.e. Dominican, Colombian, Salvadorian, etc.) deter us from helping our neighbor next door from living a life of insecurity due to the possibility of deportation.  The consequence of deportation or the threat of it does not benefit any person because in the end it just separates family members, deny the young educational and employment opportunities, and most important neglect them from our society.  Simply put, this matter affects everyone and by increasing the volume of your TV set to watch “Gordo y La Flaca” will not resolve this issue. 


 Currently, our political establishment is divided on the topic of immigration.  A number of leaders from both parties who have been vying to get the Hispanic vote made promises that their policies will benefit our interest.  An example is President Obama, who during his 2008 presidential campaign speech at the annual National Council of La Raza (NCLR) conference said that

“When communities are terrorized by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) raids, when nursing mothers are torn from their babies, when children come home from school to find their parents missing, when people are detained without access to legal counsel, when all that is happening, the system just isn't working and we need to change it.”  (Gutierrez, 2011)

President Obama talks about relating with the frustration of the Hispanic community and the will to seek relief for our concerns, but his administration has an aggressive track record when it comes to deportation.  For the fiscal year 2010, “392,862 undocumented immigrants were deported from the US…In contrast, during the 2008 fiscal year, during the George W. Bush presidency, 369,221 people were deported” (Madison, 2011).  With numbers like these, Hispanics ponder if President Obama really value the interest of the community and if he is serious about Immigration reform, which obviously does not seem to be the case.


                On the other end of the political spectrum, Tea Party members and a few Republicans do not support the policy of immigration reform.  They claim that undocumented individuals harm the economy such as taking jobs away from the average American, endanger our borders and law enforcement, and pose a huge burden on taxpayers such as Medicaid.  Some of their arguments can be justified to a certain extent but immigration is not the sole reason of such problems.  An Immigration Policy Center study by Dr. Raul Hinojosa-Ojeda, titled “The Economic Benefits of Immigration Reform”, argues the benefits that the legalization program for undocumented individuals can bring “a large economic benefit – a cumulative $1.5 trillion in added US GDP over 10 years…In stark contrast, a deportation-only policy would result in a loss of $2.6 trillion in GDP over 10 years” (Hinojosa-Ojeda , 2010).  Below are some more interesting data regarding the benefits of immigration reform from Dr. Hinojosa-Ojeda’s study:
  • The higher earning power of newly legalized workers would mean increased tax revenues of $4.5-$5.4 billion in the first three years.
  • Higher personal income would also generate increased consumer spending—enough to support 750,000–900,000 jobs in the United States.
  • Experience shows that legalized workers open bank accounts, buy homes, and start businesses, further stimulating the U.S. economy.
  • The real wages of less-skilled newly legalized workers would increase by roughly $4,405 per year, while higher-skilled workers would see their income increase $6,185 per year. The wages of native-born high skill and low skill U.S. workers also increase modestly under comprehensive immigration reform because the “wage floor” rises for all workers.

  • Legalized workers invest more in their human capital, including education, job training, and English-language skills, making them even more productive workers and higher earners.
  •  Mass deportation would reduce U.S. GDP by 1.46 percent, amounting to a cumulative $2.6 trillion loss in GDP over 10 years, not including the actual costs of deportation. The Center for American Progress has estimated that mass deportation would cost $206 billion to $230 billion over five years.
  •  Wages would rise for less-skilled native-born workers under a mass deportation scenario, but higher-skilled natives’ wages would decrease, and there would be widespread job loss.
(Hinojosa-Ojeda , 2010)

With the above data showing that a strong benefit can be gained economically by passing the DREAM Act, it also benefits the human capital level such as keeping the best minds from leaving our borders.  Clearly, the benefits of immigration reform outweigh the negatives that anti-immigration supports are proclaiming.


                In making this bill become reality, members of the Hispanic community, other immigrant communities, and supporters of the bill must gather to work together to become one voice.  It has been a decade since the DREAM Act was introduced into congress and clearly the political establishment does not take our serious enough.  Statistical studies indicate that in 50 years the Hispanic community will become the majority in the US.  However, Hispanics cannot take solace of this possibility if the minority group will dictate the interest of the majority in the future.  In having a strong Hispanic interest group with vast monetary resources to promote and defend our interests in congress, politicians will begin to take us more serious.  The Hispanic community has become weary of broken promises and now is the time to remind politicians that the decision they make today, such as rejecting the DREAM Act, will have implications not just for the current elections but for future ones as well.      




References  

Gutierrez, L.. (2011, August 01). President Obama's Lost Pledge To Latinos. The Guardian.      Retrieved from http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/aug/01/us-immigration-obama.

Hinojosa-Ojeda , R. . (2010, January 11). The economic benefits of immigration reform. Immigration Policy Center. Retrieved from http://www.immigrationpolicy.org/just-facts/economic-benefits-immigration-reform.

Madison, L.. (2011, May 11). How serious is obama about immigration reform?. CBS News. Retrieved from http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-503544_162-20061893-503544.html.

Wednesday, September 7, 2011

Happy Birthday Freddy Mercury!!! RIP!!!

 

I used to hate Queen when I was growing but I want to thank my old friend from childhood for making me appreciate this great band. Believe it or not, this band has influenced my music when I used to play and my perspective on life. Freddy was a great performer and I admired that.

Sunday, September 4, 2011

FDR's moment: Something that Obama is missing.

With the current political environment drawn by partisan boundaries, it would be nice to have a President such FDR to take on the Tea Party influence Republican Party and to set the country on the right course.  With the economy looking weak pass the 2012 elections, the Tea Party’s latest attempt in holding the nation hostage over the debt deficit (in which the US was downgraded by S&P from AAA to AA for the first time ever), and Republican House Speaker John Boehner declining President Obama’s request for a joint congressional session for this Wednesday (September 7th) to announce his jobs plan, President Obama is suffering from a serious case of Stockholm Syndrome.  With the “Machiavellian” inspired GOP, with its Tea Party’s “gang of six”, they had bullied Obama to a corner where the President has saturated or abandoned his policies such as the health reform plan, the size of the stimulus package, extension of the Bush Tax cuts for the top percentile, reluctance to implement environmental policies such as ozone standards, and severe government spending cuts that neglects creating new jobs.  Clearly Obama’s bi-partisan attempts and compromise have disappointed many American voters.  Sadly, “Yes We Can!” has been replaced by “No We Can’t”.

With Republican Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell publicly stating that his main objective is to replace the President in 2012, it is clear that the GOP do not want to work with the Democrats because they fear it will only credit the Obama administration.  President Obama must duplicate FDR’s 1936 MSG speech by calling out his foes influenced by special interest and to reach out to the American people to remind them that he is there to work and defend their interest.  Clearly, this is the time for the President to fight out of the corner ring to defend his position or the bell will ring to end the round and fight, which is November 2012.


What this country desperately needs is not a President who is trying to appear overly “cool” or one who wants to compromise with a party that refuses to do so.  The nation needs someone who is not afraid to speak his voice in defending the interest of the American people.  The hypocrisy of the Tea Party is that they are not concern about defending the average Joe and Jane from the so-call giant tentacles of “big” government.  Keep in mind, the majority of Tea-Party supporters are suffering from unemployment, lack of health care, foreclosures, and dependent on the Social Security system[1].  Yet, many supporters are not aware of the relationship between the Tea Party leadership and special interest (the culprits of the economic downturn) who they are supposed to be fighting against.  


Remember, it is special interest that is funding the Republican Party and they are trying to stop the Obama administration from suing the main banks to be accountable over the mortgage and credit crisis.  Furthermore, it is the greed of special interest that does not care about keeping jobs in America.  Their overall agenda is to make profit by outsourcing jobs to keep their overhead costs low and profits high.  They would rather pay less than a $1/day to a laborer in Vietnam to produce a shirt rather than pay the American $20/hour with benefits.  Special interest pushed many past administrations to buy into the concept of “Globalization” and to abandon the economic incentive that helped build America’s might: the manufacturing sector.  Rather than invest in building a strong modified version of the manufacturing sector focused on green energy, it is the Tea Party’s Republican Party preventing to spend on re-training the job skills of American workers for such beneficial infrastructure ventures.  Now, such forces (led by Rand Paul) want to ignore the hard years and payments that American workers committed to for a proper retirement in their later years by changing the structure of Social Security.  Throughout recorded history, it has always been the back of the worker that endured the hard manual labor to enrich the few making profit.  Clearly, today is no different from before where such powerful figures are in large office towers rather than castles surrounded by a moat.  

Now is the time for President Obama to make clear that he is not helping special interest destroy the remnants of the American dream.  Like FDR, Obama needs to work around the Republican congress by throwing new ideas after another and implement them into action.  He needs to remind voters that he has tried to work with them but they have refused to maintain and progress the American dream.  Furthermore, the President must be more vocal in pushing his platform rather than refrain from it when the pushing gets tough.  By September 2012 (when the Democratic National Convention will be held at Charlotte, North Carolina), Obama must create the opportunity to define his moment by stating in his speech that he has implemented the programs needed to help the American worker and combat the sluggish economy where the results has been beneficial, especially with a reluctant conservative counterpart working against him.  Hopefully, future generations will Google or YouTube “Obama 2012 Charlotte Speech” to remember how America rose from the dark depths of the economic downfall and the harsh political culture we are witnessing today. 


[1] http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/28/us/politics/28teaparty.html

Saturday, January 22, 2011

The complacency of America and the death of civic participation???

     The human species is the most difficult and unpredictable being to understand.  We as humans are the most vulnerable in pacifying our needs and desires.  Living in Istanbul, poverty is strongly visible compare to NYC in which we may think poverty is strongly related to being homeless or someone with no shelter.  However, Americans are not familiar with the hidden poverty within the rural and urban atmosphere and the decreasing salaries/rising quality of life some individuals are experiencing.  In Istanbul, poverty is visible but not as strong as the symbolic symptom such as homelessness.  Surprisingly, poverty and the dichotomy of class are ingrained to the society.  Throughout the city, you will find gecekondus, a Turkish version of a slum town that brings me memories of San Salvador’s shantytowns in El Salvador.  When talking to some of my Turkish pupils (ranging from university students to CEOs), they acknowledge about such conditions but are complacent with the situation.  In other words, the people do not seem bothered due to the fact that it has become an integrated part of their culture.  Yet, they all admit that life in Turkey is hard and dire improvements are needed, but the populous have become content in living in a broken bureaucratic political system.

     With the nation declining to third world status, I have come to believe that the average American is the most complacent within our integrated world.  My assessment may be a bit exaggerated but I am convinced of the notion that I am raising.  In the midst of a strong economic stagnation, people are expressing their suffering and heartache that they are experiencing, which is clearly justified.  Many individuals have lost jobs, homes, savings, and other forms of property.  However, on the flip side, there are a few whose arguments are not strongly convincing.  For example, a number of people are crying hearsay not because they way of life has been hampered to the brink of poverty but upset at the fact that they cannot fulfill their consumer appetite for vanity and materials.  As Milton Friedman argued in his book Capitalism and Freedom, it should be the person who is at fault for making ill-wise decisions and must bear the brunt of the responsibility.  Some individuals and entities are experiencing adversity due to error and greed, and do not deserve a form of government sponsored aid.  Yet, the government will still intervene in relieving those who are “suffering” (Bush tax-cuts for the top 1-2% of the American tax bracket, TARP stimulus package for a number of corporations, cash for clunkers to bail out the auto industry, and other forms of government aid).  This kind of action strongly enforces “moral hazard” across all fields ranging from businesses to the individual accumulating a ballooning debt.  For those who are familiar with me, remember that I still do support in reforming health care, not making the Bush tax cuts permanent, and implementing a universal education system as long it is in good faith (i.e. fiscal responsibility).

     In one of the greatest democratic and economic powers within the history of the world, people can still be easily deceived with the information provided by the main stream media, so-call “experts”, and lack of citizen participation.  Nonetheless, there is a minority of well-educated, sophisticated, and informed individuals but their voice of reasoning is over-shadowed by the misinformed populous.  A majority of people have abused the element of the Maslow theory in regards to needs.  Each person wants to put their needs first even though the basic necessity of survival has been fulfilled.  The individual, like Adam Smith’s definition of capitalism and Charles Darwin's "natural selection", has exploited a resource to its maximum capacity to fulfill their lust and desires.  It leads me to question, when times were good, what did the public and other stakeholders do to strengthen the overall health of the community and its democratic foundations?  Other than fulfilling the objective of special interest, the people have done basically nothing to defend their value within society.  Instead, we consumed ourselves into greater debt, created an environment filled with hatred (i.e. immigration reform, anti-gay marriages, and hostile partisan politics), lagged in the area of innovation via research & design, and have become the products of the “too big to fail” companies that view the person as a commodity rather than a rational consumer.

     Yet, maybe I am being overly generous in calling the person “rational” for they have become too dependent on credit and the system.  We as a species have traded our democratic principles and had become the dependents of the paternal system where we expect others to fix the mess we created rather than be the “rational” citizen in resolving the problem.  We have lost accountability for ourselves, the appetite for civic association, and have become pleased in putting the blame on others.  As a consequence, the era of the human bar code has commenced but it is not too late to make a difference in being active in the civil process.

Thursday, October 14, 2010

Citizen participation is vital for urban progress in Istanbul


For cities to prosper and make a serious impact in resolving urban dilemmas, democratic elements such as citizen participation, government transparency, and network partnerships are the key ingredients for urban governance.  Urban governance is a

“Perspective on urban politics directs the observer to look beyond the institutions of the local state and to search for processes and mechanisms through which significant and resource-full actors coordinate their actions and resources in the pursuit of collectively defined objectives.  Obviously, urban governance for the most part displays a significant degree of centrality for political institutions in these processes…Urban governance makes no prejudgment about the cast of actors involved in shaping the urban political agenda, nor does it make any assumptions about the normative direction and objectives of the ‘governing coalition’ “ (Pierre, 2005, p. 452).

Unfortunately, cities such as Istanbul, San Salvador, Port-au-Prince, and Mexico City, do not have strong framework of urban governance, and with my experience living abroad, I can understand why.  Living in Istanbul and comparing it to New York City, the laws of the city, which is a reflection of the national government, are not based on civil rights.  Turkey is filled with internal conflict such as the government not recognizing the Kurdish population, the on-going struggle in resolving the issues facing gecekondu population, and the conflict between Islam and secularism.  Instead of cooperating in developing dialogue between stakeholders, Istanbul is heavily polarized between ethnicity, class, and religious belief.

            In New York City, there are strong visible elements of urban governance.  An example is the city community outreach board, which represents the city’s local districts at each borough, which is part of the city council.  What make these boards unique is the composition of individuals from all sectors of society that is involved within the democratic process of representation and participation.  Furthermore, what makes the NYC frame work a great example of urban governance is the history of the civil rights movement and the Federal government’s dedication in implementing civil rights laws.  For a city like Istanbul, it is important that the city government create strong city alliances to truly be the 2010 European Capital of Culture.  By improving the urban organization framework by letting all interested parties to define priorities, Istanbul’s new urban paradigm should focus on “1) facilitate dialogue between local authorities and all urban stakeholders; 2) foster partnerships between the private and the public sectors, and between associations and civil society; and 3) jump-starting an action plan to be implemented jointly by those in charge and the community” (Pleyan and Bolay, 2004, p. 2).  In implementing this paradigm, government becomes open and available to all sectors of society, thus creating trust between all stakeholders.    Furthermore, with the government caring for their “neighbor”, it also enhances the “well-being of the citizenry” in meeting to answer their concerns. 

            For Urban Governance to work efficiently, the role of government is still a critical factor in coordinating all involved stakeholders to work together.  The urban network needs to “organize vertically and to work horizontally…if government officials [and other stakeholders] fight over the baton instead of finding an effective orchestra conductor, Americans [or the concern population] will needlessly suffer in any wicked problem” (Kettl, 2006, p. 279).  Furthermore, stability is critical for all public networks, “but it is particularly appropriate for service implementation networks that serve vulnerable populations of adults and children for whom disruption of service is particularly harmful” (Milward and Provan, 2006, p. 12).  Hence, the 3Cs (which are cooperation, coordination, and collaboration) are important for a network to be stable.  Coordination, which involves “strategies that require information sharing as well as joint planning, decision-making and action between organizations” (Brown and Keast, 2003, p. 116), is what makes a network operate, but commitment is the most important element.  Commitment ensures that relations “are not based solely on the personal ties of a single individual in each network organization, but that, instead, participating organizations commit resources and personnel to the relationship in ways that go beyond a single individual” (Milward and Provan, 2006, p. 24).  The sad reality is that not all stakeholders within a network will put the same level of commitment when it comes to participation.  To eliminate free-riders, it is important for the network manager to discuss the importance of their full participation to the network or risk facing harm to the involved organization’s reputation within the community.  In addition, the same goes for the government to be committed to social policies rather economic ones.  Social goals “can easily be given up to meet economic expectations and the original project aims can be subject to retransformation with external effects of renewal in time” (Dundar, 2001, p. 400).  If the government goes off course to its commitment, it will further strain relations with their constituencies, which will take a long time to repair.

            In having partnerships between stakeholders, it can avoid neglecting the different stakeholders within the urban network.  Without developing communication, it creates a hostile environment within the city.  An example is the Paris riots of 2006 where certain sectors of the minority population vented violently due to the neglect they received from the rest of society and the local government.  With government being open and committed, the city can prosper greatly similar to New York City.  For Istanbul, the issue of the gecekondus and the integration of the Kurdish population can be resolved in establishing a communication and a partnership.

Urban Governance between Ankara’s Local Government and Gecekondus


Intro

            This paper is a strategic plan in resolving the gecekondu issue within the city of Ankara.  This plan provides a brief history on how the issue came to existence, importance of a partnership between all stakeholders within the city, and a description of the Ankara Network model.  The purpose of this plan is not to obtain commitment from involve network stakeholders, but to emphasize that success will only come with cooperation, collaboration, and coordination amongst all members in meeting the goals of the Ankara Network Model.  This plan argues how such objectives can be implemented.   

City of Ankara

            Ankara is Turkey’s capital and was a vital strategic city for Mustafa Kemel Ataturk’s victory for Turkey’s independence against the allies of World War I.  Ankara today is Turkey’s second largest city after Istanbul with a population of 4,751,360 as of 2007 (Ankara Demographics, n.d., para. 1).  As for demographics, no in-depth available data is provided for the city other then national numbers which the information below provides.  Ethnically, the country is made up of 70-75% Turkish, 18% Kurdish, and 7-12% other minorities (Turkey CIA, 2009, People).  As for religion, 99.8% of the population is Sunni Muslim, and the other 0.2% is mostly Christians and Jews (Turkey CIA, 2009, People).  As for literacy, 87.4% of the country’s population can read and write, but a disparity exists between gender with 95.3% male and 79.6% female reading and writing (Turkey CIA, 2009, People).  For school life expectancy (primary to tertiary education), the total population have 11 years of total education with male completing 12 years and female at 11 years (Turkey CIA, 2009, People).  Ankara’s economic activities are the government and business, and it is Turkey's second most important industrial city after Istanbul.  The various industries operating in the city are wine and beer manufacturers, flour, sugar, macaroni products, biscuits, milk, cement, mosaic paving, construction materials, tractors, carpets and leather goods. In recent decades, tourism has become an important industry (Ankara, 2009, para. 2).   As for the labor force, 24.06 million are employed with 29.5% at agriculture, 24.7% at industry, and 45.8% at services (Turkey CIA, 2009, Economy).  The Turkish population who are in poverty is 20%, unemployed at 11% with 9.9% underemployed (Turkey CIA, 2009, Economy). 

Issues

How gecekondus came to existence

            Since the 1950s, when Turkey’s government adapted market-oriented policies, many migration workers left their villages for the city seeking a new livelihood.  According to 2002 estimates, 27 percent of Turkey’s urban population resides in gecekondus but figures increase within metropolitan areas such as Ankara where 62.5 of the city’s population resides in gecekondus (Baslevent and Dayioglu, 2005, p. 34).  Gecekondu are a form of “make-shift housing, rapidly built by the incomers, developed into extensive neighborhoods constructed on vacant or public land or on farms under absentee ownership surrounding the urban cores” (Dundar, 2001, p. 391).  When the gecekondus first became visible, local government wanted to demolish these makeshift homes and replace them with government-funded housing.  However, the government tolerated the gecekondus due to the political and industrial benefit it provided.  The migrant population and their shanty towns

“Were tolerated by the government and by the private sector as they contributed their cheap and flexible (unorganized) labor to the industrialization process.  Also, [Political Parties] are well aware of the voting potential of this large number of people and, through its populist policies, was able to gain their political support for they were content with the promises of title deeds, and infrastructure and services their settlements , made by the leader of the political party holding office” (Erman, 2001, p. 985). 

Another element that helped reinforce the establishment of the gecekondus in Ankara was the lack of law enforcement on illegal housing.  Migrants  took advantage of “the lack of strict law enforcement and deliberate negligence by local authorities for political concerns, most immigrants invaded public land and became owners of gecekondus, located generally at the outskirts of the city” (Baslevent and Dayioglu, 2005, p. 33).  As a result, these settlements have helped rural migrants easily establish themselves within the city.      
    
The evolution of gecekondus

            Since the 1980s, Ankara and other Turkish cities have succeeded in attracting investments but have proved unsuccessful in improving their social service infrastructure especially within the gecekondus.  Such failure trickles down to the local governments’ inability to replace the make-shift houses with public-sponsored housing.  Reason for the government’s failure is their emphasis in pleasing special interest rather than the concern of the public.  If home-ownership is widely spread out

“Across urban households because of the availability of government-supported, low-cost housing projects, we would see a fairly uniform distribution of home-ownership across quintiles which would in turn have a favorable impact on income distribution.  However, such projects that aim to provide affordable housing to the urban poor are non-existent in Turkey” (Baslevent and Dayioglu, 2005, p. 37-39)

Hence, many of the housing acts, such as Turkey’s Mass Housing Act or Ankara’s Urban Transformation Projects (UTPs)[1] have failed to assist the Gecekondus.  An example of failed initiatives is the State Housing Bank (Emlak Bankasi) which was established to provide housing credit, and the Workers Social Security Fund (SSK) that provided housing credit but only to its members (composed of formal-sector wage-earners) have hardly served the poor (Baslevent and Dayioglu, 2005, p. 39).  Instead, such initiatives have mostly served the needs of the middle and upper-income groups.

            Ankara’s lack of law enforcement on illegal housing did not only benefit both the private and political sector, but also the government.  By the time gecekondus covered almost half of the urban space in Ankara, the government discovered a new source of income by obtaining a share of location rent.  The government “changed their attitudes and developed new measures to obtain a share, preferably the largest share from rent” (Dundar, 2001, p. 392).  As a result, the government commercialized the construction of gecekondus which created strong political influence from developers.  Developing firms transformed the gecekondu areas into high-rise prestigious residential neighborhoods or transformed “existing stock into small-scale, four to five storey family houses in exchange for a few apartments which they obtained and eventually sold for profit” (Dundar, 2001, p. 393).  These transformations took place due to the political influence and financial power that developers had over government, thus intensifying mistrust between the government and the residents from the gecekondus.    

Poverty within gecekondus  

            Gecekondus are experiencing numerous problems such as a poor standard of living, increase of population, poverty, and negligence from the rest of society.  With many rural migrants moving to Ankara for work, some gecekondu districts have experience enormous increases in population such as the Etimesgut district where its population increased to outstanding 810.76 percent (Dundar, 2001, p. 393).  With overcrowded blocks within the gecekondus, it is creating an unsustainable environment.  The realization of low standard living spaces,

“resulting from limited social services and green area usage proposals, to obtain extra shares of the increasing rent of the area…But the current rapid and unqualified dense constructions will eventually impoverish living conditions, and concrete constructions are not able to be corrected” (Dundar, 2001, p. 393).

The cause of both the population increase and poor living standards can be directed at the lack of government policies and intervention.  However, political bribes can also be the cause of blame why gecekondus are in a poor state.  The governing political parties “bribed the gecekondu population in order to keep them from political activism against the state” (Erman, 2001, p. 987).  This explains why the government has not improved the conditions within the gecekondus because they portray a rosy scenario for the public that such issues do not exist.    

            Another concern with many gecekondus is income disparity and a high level of poverty.  Turkey, like all developing nations, is known for their highly unequal income distribution where “the top 20 percent of households receive 55 percent of the total income while the bottom 20 percent had less than 5 percent” (Baslevent and Dayioglu, 2005, p. 31).  Not surprisingly, many from the bottom 20 percent originate from the gecekondu districts.  Hence, Turkey’s income disparity makes it one of the highest within OECD countries.  Many gecekondu residents live in poverty due to the lack of low-skill jobs within the labor market.  The attempts of the government to develop a liberal market economy

“shook society deeply, increasing migration to large cities and unemployment rates.  The lower-level jobs in the public and private sector, which once provided favorable employment opportunities for the gecekondu people, became very competitive” (Erman, 2001, p. 987).

Consequently, with high unemployment rates and acute poverty in the gecekondu population, the economic gap between rich and poor has widened thus intensifying discontent amongst the poor.

Gecekondus and social integration

            With lack of government intervention to improve the conditions within the gecekondus, many residents are having a hard time adapting into society, thus creating a negative perception towards the government.  This mistrust can be explained from Ankara’s failed policies (such as the UTPs) that made living conditions worse than before.  The implementation of UTPs increased the existing economic and social problems, which spread throughout the different gecekondus within the city making integration difficult.  In addition, many gecekondus fail to integrate into society due to discrimination they receive from both the government and the rest of society.  The government view gecekondus as a threat to modernization and the existence of the republic, while the rest of society views them as a threat to Turkish ideology and an intrusion to society.  They believe that members from the gecekondus are not constructed any more as a rural population

“that failed to become urban, but as a population that is attacking the city, its values, its political institutions and, more importantly, the very core of its ideology [a secular and democratic society built on consensus and unity] and its social order.  They were once kept ‘outside the city walls’, but they are now inside: inside the city, inside its institutions, inside its political system – and yet they are against these values, trying to destroy them [‘inside yet against’]” (Erman, 2001, 996).

Such perception encourages hate and distrust between the gecekondus and the rest of society, thus creating an unstable environment within Ankara and the country.

Opportunities

Need for a partnership

            To alleviate relations between the gecekondus and the rest of society, it is important for Ankara’s government to develop a trusting partnership with the gecekondus.  The government must prioritize with the concerns of the gecekondus not just special interest.  Ankara’s government must infuse the character of democratic citizenship, “administrators must be committed to end the isolation, to expand the range of choice, to respect the solitude of the lost ‘neighbors’ who are furthest away from us” (Gawthrop, 2005, p. 251).  In other words, the government must be made available to all classes of society and immerse them within the democratic framework.  Past Turkish housing policies and Ankara’s UTPs failed due to the lack of communication between stakeholders.  With an establish partnership, “public administrators are linked to their clientele groups to solve problems, share ideas, set standards, build tools, and develop relationships with peers and stakeholders” (Gawthrop, 2005, p. 252).  In having a partnership focus on citizen input, especially within the creation of policy, Ankara’s government is able to avoid implementing fail hierarchical policies that can neglect the gecekondus.

 Benefits of a partnership

            Many positives can arise from partnership such as citizen engagement, community outreach, and cooperation.  For Ankara’s government, a partnership can help change their governmental managerial approach concentrated on hierarchy.  In contrast to traditional public administration and new public management, in which politics is hedged in and confined,

“politics can breathe life into administration by broadening the concept of legitimacy to include a wide range of stakeholders and reorienting the administrative role.  Politics infuse public value management through networks of deliberation and negotiation [establishing public policy goals] and service delivery [production].  Network governance re-politicizes public administration in a healthy manner by broadening the conceptualization of politics beyond the party.  In this way, new public management provides opportunities for cooperation, flexible responses, and collective social production” (Bogason and Musso, 2006, p. 6).

The NPM approach does not only create opportunities for participation, it also educates the individual on the workings of government and their roles as citizens.  Democratic governance from citizen participation builds social capital by “promoting strong democratic talk [face-to-face discourse on the issues] which instill civic competence and socialize people to an ‘ethic of citizenship’” (Bogason and Musso, 2006, p. 6).  Hence, an ethic of citizenship can ease relationships between the gecekondus and the rest of society by constructing a dialogue of understanding. 

            With educated citizens, partnerships can develop a culture of transparency, thus strengthening trust.  Transparency can be made easier with Ankara’s government advocating and implementing a system of e-governance (E-gov).  With E-gov, citizens can easily obtain government documents or keep up to date with current policy events taking place in Ankara’s government.  However, what is more important is that all information and communication technologies “are increasingly being used to replicate traditional participation activities” (Brown and Keast, 2003, p. 111).  With tools such as E-gov, it develops processes and mechanisms aim to “engage and link community organizations and citizens in the processes of government which establishes greater participation and thus decrease dissatisfaction and enhanced outcomes for the community” (Brown and Keast, 2003, p. 111).  This linkage between stakeholders develops a more fluid and responsive government in solving the issue inflicting the community.

Framework of the Ankara Network Model

Type of network

            It is important for the network manager to understand the objectives of the interested parties, the necessity of building a stable alliance, and understand the type of network that will meet the goals of all stakeholders involved.  Furthermore, in resolving the gecekondu problem within Ankara, elements of trust and reciprocity must exist within the network, thus “the greater the ability of the network to accomplish shared goals” (Milward and Provan, 2006, p. 10).  From this, Ankara’s network administrator can build a relationship between stakeholders.  Once trust and reciprocity is instilled between stakeholders, it is important to establish the “3Cs”, which is cooperation, coordination, and collaboration.  Cooperation is the establishment of relations between organizational entities.  In cooperative relationships, “participants agree to share information, space or referrals, however no effort is made to establish common goals and each agency remains separate, retaining their own autonomy and resources” (Brown and Keast, 2003, p. 116).  Coordination implies the use of mechanisms that are tight and formally link together different components of a network.  Coordination involves “strategies that require information sharing as well as joint planning, decision-making and action between organizations” (Brown and Keast, 2003, p. 116).  Collaboration is “the most stable and long-type integration arrangement that requires the strongest linkages and tightest relationships amongst members” (Brown and Keast, 2003, p. 116).  The principles of the 3Cs can establish the foundation that the Ankara Network needs to succeed in resolving the concerns within the Gecekondus. 

            With the establishment of the 3Cs, the Ankara Network should be a fusion of Problem Solving Network and Community Capacity Building Network.  A Problem Solving Network can assist managers “set the agenda in regard to policy toward a critical national or regional problem…it can help to shape the implementation of a new policy” (Milward and Provan, 2006, p. 14).  Community Capacity Building Networks builds “social capital so that communities will be better able to deal with a variety of problems related to education, economic development, crime, and etc.” (Milward and Provan, 2006, p. 16).  Below is a detail description of the two networks:


Problem Solving Networks

  • Primary purpose is to help organizational managers set the agenda for policy related to a critical national or regional problem.
  • Focus is on solving existing complex problems rather than building relationships for future problems.
  • Often emerges from information diffusion networks.
  • Relationships may be temporary, to address a specific problem, and then become dormant after the problem is resolved.
  • May be either designed or emergent.

Community Capacity Building Networks

  • Primary goal is to build social capital in community-based settings.
  • Network purpose is both current and future oriented (i.e., to build the capacity to address future community needs as they arise).
  • May be created by participants (bottom-up) or by private and government funders (top-down).
  • Often involves a wide range of agencies with many emergent sub-networks to address different community needs that may arise.
(Milward and Provan, 2006, p. 11).
This fused network made up of both the problem solving and community capacity building elements, the Ankara Network can resolve the issues the Gecekondu population is experiencing.   

To oversee the Ankara Network, the city’s government should consider in creating a new entity to oversee that the network work participants are committed and accountable in meeting the objectives of the network.  Similar to a Business Improvement District Model (BID)[2], the new entity will use a Network Administrative Organization Model (NAO).  However, rather than being a private led entity, the BID style entity will be a public led one with a public-private partnership.  The structure of an NAO is a distinct administrative entity set up to manage the network (not a “service provider”) where a manger is hired (or in this case, a new entity is created).  Below is a relationship flow of a NAO model:

                                                            (Adapted from:  Milward and Provan, 2006, p. 23)
An NAO have many members involved with share decision making along the policy process/program implementation.  The advantage of NAO is the efficiency of day-to-day management, strategic involvement by key members, and sustainability of the network.

However, issues can arise within NAO such as the perception of hierarchy, cost of operation, and complex administration (Milward and Provan, 2006, p. 22).  Even with these concerns, the NAO can still be successful if the network manager works in making all the stakeholders agree in meeting the projects goals.  Below is a description of the functions of an NAO:

“The solution was to form a network administrative organization. The NAO was set up as a 501(c) 3 nonprofit corporation with a governing board consist­ing of representatives from the most active network organizations. The network also had its own executive director, with a part-time administrative assistant. The governing board considered all strategic-level decisions while the executive director addressed all operational decisions, sought additional grant fund­ing, resolved conflicts, and kept the network going on a day-to-day basis. Some members of the network were still somewhat skeptical about the arrangement, thinking that the new NAO smacked of the very sort of hierarchy they had tried to avoid through self-governance. However, over time, the smoothness of the operation won over most members” (Milward and Provan, 2006, p. 23).

A more centralized structure in the Ankara Network can make coordination, collaboration, and cooperation easier due to the current state of relations between the gecekondus and other participants.  Network participants will have to accept the fact that “decisions will be made by network-level mangers [from the new entity] that are not necessarily in the best interests of individual network members” (Milward and Provan, 2006, p. 24).  This loss of control is needed for the network to be whole, sustainable, and effective in accomplishing its goals. 

Work Breakdown Structure (WBS) of the Ankara Network

The Work Breakdown Structure (WBS) is a description of the tasks that must be done to complete the projects within the network.  The WBS breaks down the activities, task, and work packages of the overall project plan so the Network Manager can “estimate the duration of the project, determine the required resources, and schedule of work” (Wysocki, p. 141).  In this section, I will discuss the breakdown of project activities for the Ankara Network Model. 
·         Joint Project Planning (JPP)
The WBS model starts with a Joint Project Planning (JPP) session in which it assembles a group made up of “a facilitator, project manager, the core members of the project team, and all other managers who might be affected by the project” (Wysocki, p. 153).  The key actors for this project are the stakeholders within Ankara Network which are the gecekondu leaders, non-profits/non-governmental organizations, private entities, academic institutions, and government.  Furthermore, the Ankara Network will contract Subject Matter Experts (SME), whom will be known as the Advisory Team throughout the project, to provide consultation and guidance to the network manager[3] and team members.   The Advisory Team is made of experts within community-development, economic development, and urban planning from policy/program implementation arena.  Their knowledge and experience will help the network understand the important significance in comprehending the Ankara gecekondu issue. 
·                     Work Breakdown Structure
Once the JPP session concludes, the network manager and other stakeholders will implement a structure model for the overall project.  For the beginning phase, the network manager will use the incremental approach to create objectives for the next level.  The WBS will follow a top-down approach at first but still focus on the 3Cs and NAO structure.  Once the first activity level is complete, the second activity level will switch to a bottom-up approach structure and use the Adaptive Project Management method. 
With the bottom-up approach, the network manager will create a work environment that puts responsibility on each member’s performance and commitment to the task.  Commitment makes the team be “proactive in fulfilling their responsibility without the need for constant reminders of schedule and deliverables from the network manager” (Wysocki, p. 252). In addition, the network manager will switch to the Adaptive Project Management (APM) approach from the Incremental Approach because it “adapts to the unique character of the specific business situation as it learns more about that business situation” (Wysocki, p. 38).  For this topic, business translates to the social situation.  The APM creates a shared partnership with shared responsibility between the requestor and provider.  Importantly, it calls for client involvement (stakeholders) to provide feedback on changes they would like to see to meet their specification. 

Below is an overlook of the WBS structure:


Activity Level 1:

Subteam 1 – Subteam one will focus on raising money through fundraising and obtain federal and state grants to fund the project.  The funding will assist in funding programs such as job-skills training, affordable housing, business incubators (i.e. promote small businesses within the gecekondus), education programs, and other social programs.  Furthermore, this funding will also focus on e-gov implementation (i.e. website building, computer training centers), staff training to deliver services, SMEs’ consultation, and community outreach events.   
Subteam 2 – Ankara’s judicial division will work with an SME judicial expert in creating a legal center to provide guidance and support to the gecekondus on human rights, real estate laws, and other concerns.  Furthermore, Ankara’s judicial division and the SME will work together to gather material regarding law on gecekondus and work on reviewing/changing policies that neglect concern population.    
Subteam 3 – Ankara’s IT department will implement E-gov on its main website that will discuss the features of the gecekondu social programs.   Subteam 3 will also work with both the Turkish and Ankara’s ministry of judiciary on material for the website, and consult with the SMEs’ if the material meets human equality issues. 

Activity Level 2:

Once all the subteams complete their first level activity, they commence work on the second activity level.  In this phase, stakeholders will work with the network manager to review if all the activities were completed correctly and the overall project is meeting the Ankara Network Model objectives. 

Activity Level 3 and 4:

            In this level, all network participants will gather for a performance test run to review if the project is meeting the Conditions of Satisfaction (COS).  In this phase, the client will provide feedback if the project is in accordance to their satisfaction.  The APM framework will take effect to make the proper changes if the client is not content.  If the client is not pleased with the specifications (i.e. gecekondu concerns) of the project, then the project will go back to the JPP level to discuss alternative solutions for successful results.  When the overall project passes the test run, the project will go on to activity level 4 where the programs begin operations.  At the same time, the network manager will conduct a post implementation meeting with involved stakeholders to discuss the success and failures of the project and document the project’s history into its data base as a point of reference for future projects. 

Management 

Even though the project uses a bottom-up approach, the network manager is still responsible for the overall project.  The reason in using the bottom-up approach is to promote team structure were “everyone has an opportunity to participate, commitment will be much stronger than in the directive approach” (Wysocki, p. 265).  The bottom-up approach helps the network manager remind team members to be “responsible for completing their assigned task within schedule and specification” (Wysocki, p. 259).  Furthermore, the SMEs are not in charge of the overall project, the responsibility and authority to make final decisions still lies with the network manager.  The SMEs main responsibility is to be a source of consultation and guidance to support the network manager and stakeholders throughout the project.   

Throughout the project, stakeholders will provide monthly status reports with the network manager to discuss and review if any changes are needed to correct the task within a particular activity level.  The network manager will use a Current Period Report to monitor progress on activities that were open or scheduled for work during an exact period.  The benefit of using current period reports is “if any activities did not progress according to plan, the report should include the reasons for the variance and the appropriate corrective measures to fix the issue” (Wysocki, p. 321).   To follow the trend of the project, the team will use the Milestone Trend Charts, which “plots the difference between the planned and estimated date of a project milestone at each project report period (Wysocki, p. 329).  The Milestone Trend Charts will assist in keeping track on all activity performances such money raised/received, status of network programs, the network’s progress in satisfying the concerns of stakeholders, website development, and government employee training.

Total Project Duration:  The overall project would have 8 years to start, grow, and mature.  If changes are needed to meet specification, overall project would last 10 years to meet client’s Conditions of Satisfaction (COS).
Funding

            For the Ankara Network to fulfill its objectives, funding plays a critical role.  Since this is a public-private project, much of the project will be funded through bonds via from the Turkish national government and municipality of Ankara.  Contracts for physical infrastructure improvements such new buildings for public services will be at distributed through at-bid contracts to private developers, urban planning, and architecture.   For the social programs, the government will fund these programs to cover head costs such as building operations, supplies, salaries, and benefits.  For public-private programs (but fall at the realm of public services) such as business incubators, job training skills, and adult education, private entities will fund these programs for supplies, training, and operation costs.  Furthermore, if it is a fully owned private non-profit, the private sector will be employee salaries and benefits, and fund the entity as a subsidiary of the company.  Below is a pie graph describing how funding is distributed for this project:

 


Conclusion

            The discussed framework is a good model not just to get all of Ankara’s stakeholders involved, but it is also a performance measurement model to measure the 3Cs of each participant involved within the network.  Past acts failed due to the lack of 3Cs from all involved parties, but with a performance measurement system, it reminds each member that mediocre performances or false promises can have rough consequences on their organization’s reputation.  This strategic plan will not just improve the conditions in the gecekondus, but it will create a sustainable community with the integration of the individuals living within the community.  It is vital to have an harmonious environment within the city due to lessons learn from the Paris riots of 2006 where certain sectors of the minority population vented violently due to the neglection they receive from the rest of society.  This strategic plan is the first step in establishing healthy relations between the gecekondus, government, and society.

 
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[1] In the second half of the 1980s, the government implemented large scale urban renewal projects of slum areas of city centers known as UTPs.  The UTPs brought new concepts like public-private partnerships between the government and gecekondus in bringing different solutions in improving the slum districts.
[2] BIDs are privately directed and publicly sanctioned organizations that supplement public services within geographically defined boundaries by generating multiyear revenue through a compulsory assessment on local property owners and/or businesses (Hoyt and Gopal-Agge, 2007, p. 946).
[3] Network Manager is also referred to as the new public-private entity